Present situation

There are three major communities in Nepal's caste-oriented society -Khas, Newar and Maithil. Besides, there is a separate community consisting of tribes, the ethnic groups. There is similarity in the social structure of Khas, Newar and Maithil communities. That is to say, they all have four castes: Brahmin, Chhetri, Vaishya and Shudra. There also exists a distinction between Nepali origin and Indian origin in them, which may also be referred to as Bhumiputra community and Yayavar community, respectively. There also exist Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim and Christian religious communities in Nepal. Of these communities, Khas, Newar and Maithil have been undergoing increasing complexity of caste discrimination and oppression. The issue in the present Nepalese society lies in the classification of Brahmins, Chhetris and Vaishyas into sub-castes, defiling castes and narrowing.
From another perspective, Nepalese society is clearly split into touchables and untouchables, have no marital relation with them, and do not allow them to enter their house. In the western part of Nepal, they also practise springkling water (act of purification). The low-caste people are deprived of utilizing most of the temples, funeral places, drinking water taps and wells, restaurants, shops and other public places. The tribes of the community, though not within Hindu caste system, also practise untouchability with low-caste people.
The practice of untouchability penetrated down to the untouchables. As a result, it went to the extent of making discrimination between touchable and untouchable castes within the untouchable community itself. For instance, Kami and Sarki communities regard other communities like Damai as untouchable, while there does exist inequality even between Kamis and Sarkis. Damais treat communities like Gaines untouchable. Recently it has been found in vogue in some parts of the Remote Western Region that persons within the same untouchable community have been treated untouchable owing to their miserable economic condition. No doubt there has been launched a campaign at the organizational level by oppressed castes to oppose discrimination. However, open entry into a house and marital relation are still far from being materialized. In the hilly areas of western part of Nepal certain untouchables have their own restaurants and now all untouchable communities enter there.
People from superior castes use the non-honorific form of 'you' ('tan') for lower caste people. Conversely, lower caste people have to use the honorific form of 'you' ('tapain') to higher caste people irrespective of their age. In addition, they also need to address Brahmins as 'Baje' (Grandfather), Chhetris and Magars as 'Mukhiyas' (Head-men) and Rais and Limbus as 'Subba' (landlord/chieftain as opposed to nepali term subba-officer) and other honorific forms.
With the advent of democracy in 1950, social discriminations started breaking down not because of any legal provisions but because of the high caste people's own initiatives. However, even this change could not abolish untouchability. Though public places were opened to low caste people in some places, the situation remained unchanged to a large extent. There has been made a legal sanction in the civil code against untouchability; however, it has turned out to be meaningless since its violation is not liable to any specific penalty. According to Act 11(4) of the new constitution of Nepal (1990), however, untouchability has been made punishable. The civil code has also been amended accordingly. Despite these constitutional and legal provisions, untouchability has been still found in practice. So-called higher caste people do not allow low-caste people to have an access to temples and other public places. (See the description of events for its details).
The situation of caste-based untouchability existing in the country has been presented as follows on region-wise basis:

Caste divisions

Caste categories diverged from the four varnas of the classical Vedic model and instead had three categories to accommodate the tribal peoples between the pure and impure castes. These were further classified into five hierarchies with the following order precedence.(Harka Gurung 2005:3,Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology)

• Thagadhari, (Wearer of holy cord)
• Matwali
• Namasyane Matwali (Non-enslavable alcohol-drinkers)
• Masyane Matwali (Enslavable alcohol drinkers)
• Pani nachalne choichoto halnu naparne, (Impure but touchable castes)
• Pani nachalne chiochoti halnu parne, (Impure and Untouchable castes)
  These categories imply that Thagadhari (Wearer of holy cord) remains in the highest hierarchy in the Nepali caste system followed by Matwali, (Non-enslavable alcohol-drinkers) and enslavable alcohol drinkers, touchable caste and lastly untouchable.

Legitimacy of the caste system

Muluki Ain imposes the caste system in Nepal in order to incorporate people of different origin and bring them under one umbrella of the caste system. The first categories of Thagadhari, which include Parbate Brahmin and Chhetri, are in the higher categories of hierarchy whereas Brahmins of Terai and Newari Brahmin as per Muluki Ain do not fall under these categories.
Matwali group, enslavable and non-enslavable falls under second categories, which include the people of ethnic origin and Brahmins of Terai and Newari Brahmins. It also includes those people in the non-enslavable group such as Magar, Gurung, Rai, and Limbu etc and enslavable are Tamang, Chepang, Thami etc.
Untouchable are the categories of varnas system in ancient Manu's Code but some people such as Muslims and foreigners as well fall into these categories. Untouchables are divided into Pani nachalne choichoto halnu naparne, (Impure but touchable castes) and Pani nachalne chiochoti halnu parne, (Impure and Untouchable castes).
The creation of sub-castes in Nepal is unique. For instance, the child born of a high-caste father and a low-caste mother was a case of promotion. There were unwritten practices like not defiling and sprinkling water which still exists. Children born from wandering sanyasi fathers and intercaste marital relation also belong to the same category.

History of the caste system in Nepal

The Nepalese civil code Muluki Ain (1854) was written by Jang Bahadur Rana after his European tour. It codified social codes in practice for several centuries in Nepal that was rooted in Vyavahāra (traditional Hindu legal procedure), Prāyaścitta (avoidance and removal of sin) and Ācāra (the customary law of different castes and communities). These three are collectively called Dharmaśāstra. A traditional Hindu king was duty-bound to put these precepts into practice.
Muluki Ain divided Nepalese citizens into two castes "the caste whose water is allowed to remain pure" and "the caste whose water is defiled". Chiefs of the various castes were entrusted with sorting out issues related to their own castes. The heads of Kamis (blacksmiths) and Sarkis (tanners and cobblers) were called Mijhars. Similarly the head of Damai (tailors and musicians) was called Nagarchi. Castes of the first (non-defiling) category also had their chiefs. In this way community members might not need to go to courts or government offices to settle minor legal matters. Mijhars and Nagarchis, however, added to injustice and exploitation meted out to their respective communities. They were obviously influenced by their masters' natures. Like their masters, they never hesitated to do injustice against their own communities. No appeal was heard against them.
From the medieval period onward, people could lose status through caste demotion. People considering themselves superior used caste as a pretext for exploitation. The lower castes were prevented from entering temples, receiving education, listening to high-caste people's teachings, worshipping, planting Bar or Pipal trees, digging ponds, and participating in fairs and festivals. They could be exiled from the country for looking at a high-caste woman. If they encountered someone of higher caste they would have to step aside. They had to pay jadau (obeisance) to any higher caste person. They could be put to death for rebelling against caste rules. If someone from higher caste married a woman from lower caste, he was not eligible for legal intercession against jarikhat (adultery). A sacred thread-wearing or even non-thread-wearing person would need to be ritually purified if they were touched by an 'untouchable'. Two-way conversation with upper castes was banned for them. These discriminatory provisions of the civil code were based on Hindu scriptures like Parskar Grihyasutra, Gautam Sutra, Manusmṛti and Shukra Niti. There was no provision for lower-caste participation in the economic, social, cultural and administrative spheres. They had to survive on low-paid manual work such as playing indigenous musical instruments, sawing wood, leather-work, practicing music, art and dance, cutting stone, pottery, general labor, cleaning latrines, and washing clothes. This system prevailed till by law until Muluki Ain was revised in 1962.
The present caste system derives from Shah dynasty founder Prithvi Narayan's famous saying that Nepal was a garden of four varnas and 36 castes. However this is only a rough estimate for the Hill region. The Newari community and the Terai community each has more than 36 castes.
During the Panchayat regime Nepal was referred to as a 'Hindu State' as well. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal (1990) has also retained it. In Nepal, the only Hindu state in the world, thousands of people treated as untouchables have been undergoing bitter experience legally for centuries. History is replete with evidence that because of the legal system based on the Hindu religion lower-caste victims were given more inhuman and stringent penalty than higher-caste ones in similar crimes during Lichhvi, Malla, Shaha and Rana periods (except during kirant period). For instance, there was a legal provision during Malla period to cut Shudra's penis, force him to eat it and get him butchered by chandals ('murderers') on charge of having sexual intercourse with a Brahmin woman. Similarly, during Rajendra Shaha's regime, there existed a law decreed on (1893 ASHADH SUDI 7 ROSE 4 BS), according to which "if a person from Shudra caste like Damai, Sunar(Kami), Sarki, Balami, Majhi, Danuwar, Murmi, Bhote, Chepang, and Kumal had sexual intercourse with his brother's wife deliberately, he must be put to death." Prior to the implementation of the new civil code of 1963–64, this legal provision continued. Moreover, according to it, higher caste individuals were given lesser penalty if they were charged with having sexual intercourse with lower caste women, but if lower-caste persons had sexual intercourse with higher caste women, they were sentenced to fourteen-year imprisonment. The civil code of 1963–64 has, no doubt, tried to establish legal equality between so-called high-caste and low-caste people in principle (according to recent amendment in the civil code) and untouchability is now liable to penalty. However, this community has not yet enjoyed equal accessibility to law. These unequal and inhuman practices will be discussed in detail later.

Nepalese caste system

The Nepalese caste system, like the Indian caste system, is highly complex and continues the traditional system of social stratification of Nepal. The caste system defines social classes by a number of hierarchical endogamous groups often termed as Jāt. This custom is found in both the Hindu and Buddhist communities of Nepal. However, in Nepal people sometimes erroneously use word caste to mean their race or ethnicity. The ethnic groups are a different race from Khas, who are themselves distinct from Madhesi people. The caste system has traditionally existed in the latter two races (the Khas and Madhesis).

Ten Great Campaigns of Nepal(1755-1789)

The Ten Great Campaigns (Chinese: 十全武功; pinyin: shí quán wǔ gōng) were a series of wars fought during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor, much celebrated in the official Qing Dynasty annals. They included three to enlarge the area of Qing control in Central Asia: two against the Dzungars (1755-1757) and the pacification of Xinjiang (1758-1759). The other seven campaigns were more in the nature of police actions on frontiers already established - two wars to suppress the Jinchuan rebels in Sichuan, another to suppress rebels in Taiwan (1787-1788), and four expeditions abroad to chastise the Burmese (1766-1788), the Vietnamese (1788-1789), and the warlike Gurkhas in Nepal on the border between Tibet and India (1790-1792), the last counting as two.

The Dzungars and pacification of Xinjiang (1755 - 1757)
Of the ten campaigns, the final destruction of the Dzungars was the most significant. It secured the northern and western boundaries of Xinjiang and eliminated rivalry for control over the Dalai Lama in Tibet, and thereby the elimination of rival influence in Mongolia. It also led to the pacification of the Islamicised, Turkic-speaking southern half of Xinjiang immediately thereafter. To commemorate this victory, Qianlong had the Puning Temple of Chengde constructed, home to the world's tallest wooden sculpture of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara and hence its alternate name, the 'Big Buddha Temple'.

Suppression of the Jinchuan hill peoples (1747-1749, 1776)
The suppression of the Jinchuan hill people was the costliest and most difficult, and also the most destructive. The Jinchuan (literally "Golden Stream") was northwest of Chengdu in western Sichuan. The tribal peoples there were related to the Tibetans of the Amdo. The first campaign in 1747-1749 was a simple affair; with little use of force the Manchu general induced the native chieftains to accept a peace plan, and departed.
Interethnic conflict brought the Manchus back after twenty years. The result was the Qing expeditionary force being forced to fight a protracted war of attrition costing the Qing treasury several times the amounts expended on the earlier conquests of the Dzungars and Xinjiang. The resisting tribes retreated to their stone towers and forts in steep mountains and could only be dislodged by cannon. The Manchu generals were ruthless in annihilating the rebellious tribes, then reorganised the region in a military prefecture and repopulated it with more cooperative inhabitants.

The Burmese Campaigns (1767-1771)
The rise of Konbaung dynasty in Burma was the main reason for Qing's military expeditions to reassert its overlordship. Despite four campaigns, the Qing were unable to make any progresses. Ming Rui (明瑞), son-in-law of Qianlong, and leader of one of the expeditions, died in campaign. Nonetheless, King Hsinbyushin was faced with dealing not just against the Qing, but also a rebellion in recently occupied Siam. The Siamese found a new leader in Taksin who defeated the Konbaung occupation force. Hsinbyushin was reportedly angered when his commanders negotiated a settlement with the Qing, a fact which Qianlong chose to interprete as his victory.

The Gurkha Campaigns (1790-1792)
The Gurkha wars display the Qing court's continuing sensitivity to conditions in Tibet. The late 1760s saw the creation of a strong state in Nepal and the involvement in the region of a new foreign power, Britain, through their British East India Company. The rash Gurkha rulers of Nepal decided to invade southern Tibet in 1788.
The two Manchu resident agents in Lhasa (Ambans) made no attempt at defense or resistance. Instead they took the child Panchen Lama to safety when the Nepalese troops came through and plundered the rich monastery at Shigatse on their way to Lhasa. Upon hearing of the first Nepalese incursions, the Qianlong Emperor commanded troops from Sichuan to proceed to Lhasa and restore order. By the time they reached southern Tibet, the Gurkhas had already withdrawn. This counted as the first of two wars with the Gurkhas.
In 1791 the Gurkhas returned in force. Qianlong urgently dispatched an army of 10,000 men. It was made up of around 6,000 Manchu and Mongol forces supplemented by tribal soldiers under the able general Fu Kang'an, with Hailancha as his deputy. They entered Tibet from Xining (Qinghai) in the north, shortening the march but making it in the dead of winter 1791-1792, crossing high mountain passes in deep snow and cold. They reached central Tibet in the summer of 1792 and within two or three months could report that they had won a decisive series of encounters that pushed the Gurkha armies across the crest of the Himalaya and back into the valley of Kathmandu. Fukang'an fought on into 1793, when he forced the battered Gurkhas to accept surrender on Manchu terms.
The victory of 1793, however, did not prevent repeated Nepalese incursions thereafter.

The Campaign in Vietnam (1786-1789)
Chinese officials receiving the deposed Emperor Lê Chiêu Thống.
For most of her history, the Vietnamese rulers sometimes recognized the Chinese Emperor as their feudal lord, while ruling independently in their own land. This had been the case throughout the reign of the Later Lê Dynasty. This changed however when the brothers of Tây Sơn, leading a national uprising, defeated the feuding Trịnh and Nguyễn lords and overthrew the last Lê ruler, Emperor Lê Chiêu Thống.
Emperor Lê Chiêu Thống fled to China and appealed to Emperor Qianlong (Vietnamese: Càn Long) for help. In 1788 a large Qing army was sent south to restore Lê Mẫn Đế to the throne. They succeeded in taking Thăng Long (Hà Nội) and putting Emperor Chiêu Thống back on the throne, but many of his supporters were angered by their subservient position. Chiêu Thống was treated as a vassal king by Qianlong and all edicts had to be authorized by the Qing before becoming official. In any event, the situation did not last long as the Tây Sơn leader, Nguyễn Huệ, launched a surprise attack against the Qing forces while they were celebrating the lunar New Year festival of the year 1789. The Chinese were unprepared but fought for five days before being defeated at Battle of Đống Đa. Chiêu Thống fled back to China as Nguyễn Huệ was proclaimed Emperor Quang Trung.

The Campaigns in Perspective
In his later years, Qianlong referred to himself with the grandiose style name of "Old Man of the Ten Completed [Great Campaigns]" (十全老人). He also wrote an essay enumerating the victories in 1792 entitled "Record of Ten Completions".
The campaigns were major financial drain on Qing, costing more than 151 million taels of silver..
The tribes at Jinchuan numbered less than 30,000 households and took five years to pacify.
Nearly 1.5 million piculs (1 picul = 100 catty) were transported for the Taiwan campaigns.
Instead of restoring Emperor Lê Mẫn Đế to the throne as the Vietnam campaign was intended, Qianlong ended up settling with the new Nguyen dynasty, and even arranging for imperial marriage between Qing and Nguyen.

Gorkha recruitment

David Ochterlony and the political agent William Fraser were quick to recognise the potential of Gorkha soldiers in British service. During the war the British were keen to use defectors from the Gorkha army and employ them as irregular forces. His confidence in their loyalty was such that in April 1815 he proposed forming them into a battalion under Lieutenant Ross called the Nasiri regiment. This regiment, which later became the 1st King George’s Own Gurkha Rifles, saw action at the Malaun fort under the leadership of Lieutenant Lawtie, who reported to Ochterlony that he "had the greatest reason to be satisfied with their exertions".
About 5,000 men entered British service in 1815, most of whom were not ‘real’ Gorkhas but Kumaonis, Garhwalis and other Himalayan hill men. These groups, eventually lumped together under the term Gurkha, became the backbone of British Indian forces.
As well as Ochterlony’s Gurkha battalions, William Fraser and Lieutenant Frederick Young raised the Sirmoor battalion, later to become the 2nd King Edward VII's Own Gurkha Rifles; an additional battalion, the Kumaon battalion was also raised eventually becoming the 3rd Queen Alexandra's Own Gurkha Rifles. None of these men fought in the second campaign.

nepali weapon (khukuri)